Vicente Ramón Guerrero Saldaña (; baptized 10 August 1782 – 14 February 1831) was a Mexican military officer from 1810–1821 and a statesman who became the nation's second president in 1829. He was one of the leading generals who fought against Spain during the Mexican War of Independence. According to historian Theodore G. Vincent, Vicente Guerrero lived alongside indigenous people in Tlaltelulco and had the ability to speak Spanish and the languages of the Indigenous.
During his presidency, he abolished slavery in Mexico.Green, Stanley C. The Mexican Republic: The First Decade, 1823–1832. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press 1987. p. 119. Guerrero was deposed in a rebellion by his Vice-President Anastasio Bustamante.Anna, Timothy E. Forging Mexico, 1821–1835. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1998, 242.
Guerrero's ethnic origins have been a subject of debate, with some historians suggesting he was of mixed Indigenous heritage. However, no portraits of him were made during his lifetime and those made posthumously may not be reliable. Fellow insurgent José María Morelos described Guerrero as a "young man with bronzed or tanned skin ( broncineo in Spanish), tall and strong, with an aquiline nose, bright, light-colored eyes, and prominent sideburns". He was often supported by the indigenous people throughout the Revolution.
Vicente's father, Juan Pedro Guerrero, was a supporter of the Spanish rule, while his uncle, Diego Guerrero, held a prominent position in the Spanish militia. As an adult, Vicente was opposed to the Spanish colonial government. In December 1810, Guerrero enlisted in José María Morelos's insurgent army in southern Mexico, beginning his career as a revolutionary leader. He was married to María Guadalupe Hernández, and they had a daughter, María Dolores Guerrero Hernández. María Dolores married Mariano Riva Palacio, who was the defense lawyer for Maximilian I of Mexico in Querétaro, and was the mother of the late nineteenth-century intellectual Vicente Riva Palacio.
Guerrero gained expertise in military strategy in the Battle of Zitltala. At the Battle of Tixtla, on May 26 of 1811, Jose Maria Morelos asked the advice of Vicente Guerrero on military strategy to be used on the town of Tixtla because Guerrero was from Tixtla. After the battle, Guerrero was told by Morelos to speak to the indigenous people of Tixtla since he Guerrero was able to speak Nahuatl, the native language in Tixtla, because he had grown up in Tixtla. Morelos told Guerrero to inform the natives of their freedom from the Spanish. Historian William Sprague argued Guerrero was largely supported by the Native Americans throughout the Revolution due to his ability to speak and interact with the natives. By November 1811, Vicente Guerrero, alongside Jose Maria Morelos, took control of the highlands of the Mesa Del Sur, further building Guerrero's experience as an insurgent.
Guerrero distinguished himself in the Battle of Izúcar, in February 1812, and had achieved the rank of lieutenant colonel when Oaxaca was claimed by rebels in November 1812.Richmond, "Vicente Guerrero", p. 616. In a speech given to the indigenous people in Tlapa in 1815, Guerrero argued for citizenship to be extended to indigenous people to establish a larger free society for those originally not recognized by the Spanish . Initial victories by Morelos' forces faltered, and Morelos himself was captured and executed in December 1815.
Historian Mario S. Guerrero argued Guerrero's guerrilla tactics and successes were just as significant to winning the Mexican Revolution as notable battles. After the death of Jose Morelos, in March 1816,Vicente Guerrero pledged his support behind the Board of Jaujilla. With the Spanish in pursuit, Guerrero used guerilla tactics he learned in his early military experience with Morelos. Guerrero fought in skirmishes with the Spanish in Piaxtla and Xonacatlán. Near Xonacatlán, Guerrero ambushed royalist Captain Jose Vicente Robles's force of 150 troops, which led to a victory and a smaller force in pursuit of Guerrero.
In March 1816, According to the Historian William Sprague, Vicente Guerrero, after the death of Morelos and Juan Nepomuceno Rosains had quit the revolution taking a Spanish pardon, Guerrero had no commander thus Guadalupe Victoria and Isidoro Montes de Oca, gave him the position of "Commander in Chief" of the rebel troops. In 1816, the royal government under Viceroy Apodaca sought to end the insurgency, offering amnesty. Guerrero's father carried an appeal for his son to surrender, but Guerrero refused. He remained the only major rebel leader still at large and kept the rebellion going through an extensive campaign of guerrilla warfare. He won victories at Ajuchitán, Santa Fe, Tetela del Río, Huetamo, Tlalchapa, and Cuautlotitlán, regions of southern Mexico that were very familiar to him.
In November 16, 1820 after being appointed commander of the royal forces in Southern Mexico, Agustín de Iturbide was sent against Guerrero's forces. Guerrero was victorious against Iturbide, who realized that there was a military stalemate. Guerrero appealed to Iturbide to abandon his royalist loyalty and to join the fight for independence.Richmond, "Vicente Guerrero", pp. 616–617. Events in Spain had changed in 1820, with Spanish liberals ousting Ferdinand VII and imposing the liberal constitution of 1812 that the king had repudiated. Conservatives in Mexico, including the Catholic hierarchy, began to conclude that continued allegiance to Spain would undermine their position and opted for independence to maintain their control. Guerrero's appeal to join the forces for independence was successful. Guerrero and Iturbide allied under the Plan de Iguala and their forces merged as the Army of the Three Guarantees.
The Plan of Iguala proclaimed independence, called for a constitutional monarchy and the continued place of the Roman Catholic Church, and abolished the formal casta system of racial classification. While Iturbide during the writing of The Plan of Iguala, did not include mulattos and blacks in receiving rights. Vicente Guerrero advocated for all people in Mexico to receive equal protections under the law without regards to race and refused to agree to any alternative. Clause 12 was incorporated into the plan: "All inhabitants... without distinction of their European, African or Indian origins are citizens... with full freedom to pursue their livelihoods according to their merits and virtues."Richmond, "Vicente Guerrero", p. 617. The Army of the Three Guarantees marched triumphantly into Mexico City on September 27, 1821.
Iturbide was proclaimed Emperor of Mexico by Congress. In January 1823, Guerrero, along with Nicolás Bravo, rebelled against Iturbide, returning to southern Mexico to raise rebellion, according to some assessments because their careers had been blocked by the emperor. Their stated objectives were to restore the Constituent Congress. Guerrero and Bravo were defeated by Iturbide's forces at Almolongo, now in the State of Guerrero, less than a month later.Anna, Timothy E. Forging Mexico, 1821–1835. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1998. p. 105. When Iturbide's imperial government collapsed in 1823, Guerrero was named one of Constituent Congress's ruling triumvirate.Anna, Forging Mexico, pp. 111–112.
In 1828, the four-year term of the first president of the republic, Guadalupe Victoria, came to an end. Unlike the first presidential election and the president serving his full term, the election of 1828 was highly partisan. Guerrero's supporters included federalist liberals, members of the radical wing of the York Rite Freemasons. During Guerrero's campaign he advocated for political opportunities for all regardless of their race and wealth through universal suffrage in Mexico. General Gómez Pedraza won the September 1828 election to succeed Guadalupe Victoria, with Guerrero coming in second and Anastasio Bustamante, third through indirect election of Mexico's state legislatures. Gómez Pedraza was the candidate of the "Impartials", composed of Yorkinos concerned about the radicalism of Guerrero and Scottish Rite Masons ( Escocés), who sought a new political party. Among those who were Impartials were distinguished federalist Yorkinos Valentín Gómez Farías and Miguel Ramos Arizpe.Anna, Timothy E. Forging Mexico, 1821–1835. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1998. p. 207. The U.S. diplomatic representative in Mexico, Joel Roberts Poinsett was enthusiastic about Guerrero's candidacy, writing
Guerrero himself did not leave an abundant written record, but some of his speeches survive.
Two weeks after the September 1 election, Antonio López de Santa Anna rose in rebellion in support of Guerrero. As governor of the strategic state of Veracruz and former general in the war of independence, Santa Anna was a powerful figure in the early republic, but he was unable to persuade the state legislature to support Guerrero in the indirect elections. Santa Anna resigned the governorship and led 800 troops loyal to him in capturing the fortress of Perote, near Xalapa. He issued a political plan there calling for the nullification of Gómez Pedraza's election and the declaration of Guerrero as president.Anna, Forging Mexico, p. 218. In November 1828 in Mexico City, Guerrero supporters took control of the Accordada, a former prison transformed into an armory, and days of fighting occurred in the capital. President-elect Gómez Pedraza had not yet taken office and at this juncture he resigned and soon went into exile in England. With the resignation of the president-elect and the ineffective rule of the sitting president, civil order dissolved. On 4 December 1828, a riot broke out in the Zócalo and the Parián market, where luxury goods were sold, was looted. Order was restored within a day, but elites in the capital were alarmed at the violence of the popular classes and the huge property losses.Arrom, Silvia. "Popular Politics in Mexico City: The Parián Riot, 1828". Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 2 (May 1988): 245–268.Anna, Timothy E. Forging Mexico, 1821–1835. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1998, 219–220. With the resignation of Gómez Pedraza, and Guerreros's cause backed by Santa Anna's forces and the powerful liberal politician Lorenzo de Zavala, Guerrero became president. Guerrero took office as president, with Bustamante, a conservative, becoming vice president. One scholar sums up Guerrero's situation, "Guerrero owed the presidency to a mutiny and a failure of will on the part of President Guadalupe Victoria...Guerrero was to rule as president with only a thin layer of support."Green, Stanley C. The Mexican Republic: The First Decade, 1823–1832. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press 1987. pp. 159–161.
Guerrero set about creating a cabinet of liberals, but his government already encountered serious problems, including its very legitimacy, since president-elect Gómez Pedraza had resigned under pressure. Some traditional federalists leaders, who might have supported Guerrero, did not do so because of the electoral irregularities. The national treasury was empty and future revenues were already liened. Spain continued to deny Mexico's independence and threatened reconquest.Green, The Mexican Republic, pp. 162–163.
A key achievement of his presidency was the abolition of slavery in most of Mexico. The slave trade had already been banned by the Spanish authorities in 1818, a ban that had been reconfirmed by the nascent Mexican government in 1824. A few Mexican states had also already abolished the practice of slavery, but it was not until September 16, 1829 that abolition across almost all of the nation was proclaimed by the Guerrero administration. Slavery at this point barely existed throughout Mexico, and only the state of Coahuila y Tejas was significantly affected, due to the immigration of slaveowners from the United States. In response to pressure from Texan settlers, Guerrero exempted Texas from the decree on December 2, 1829.
Guerrero called for public schools, land title reforms, industry and trade development, and other programs of a liberal nature. As president, Guerrero championed the causes of the racially oppressed and economically oppressed. Initially, the leader of the colonization of Texas, Stephen F. Austin, proved enthusiastic towards the Mexican government.
During Guerrero's presidency, the Spanish tried to reconquer Mexico but were defeated at the Battle of Tampico.
Open warfare between Guerrero and his opponent in the region Nicolás Bravo was fierce. Bravo and Guerrero had been comrades in the insurgency during the War of Independence. Bravo controlled the highlands of the region, including the town of Guerrero's birth, Tixtla. Guerrero had strength in the hot coastal regions of the Costa Grande and Tierra Caliente, with mixed race populations that had been mobilized during the insurgency for independence. Bravo's area had a mixed population, but politically was dominated by whites. The conflict in the south occurred for all of 1830, as conservatives consolidated power in Mexico City.Anna, Forging Mexico, p. 241.
The war in the south might have continued even longer, but ended in what one historian has called "the most shocking single event in the history of the first republic: the capture of Guerrero in Acapulco through an act of betrayal and his execution a month later." Guerrero controlled Mexico's principal Pacific coast port of Acapulco. An Italian merchant ship captain, Francisco Picaluga, approached the conservative government in Mexico City with a proposal to lure Guerrero onto his ship and take him prisoner for the price of 50,000 pesos, a fortune at the time. Picaluga invited Guerrero on board for a meal on 14 January 1831. Guerrero and a few aides were taken captive and Picaluga sailed to the port of Huatulco, where Guerrero was turned over to federal troops. Guerrero was taken to Oaxaca City and summarily tried by a court-martial.Anna, Forging Mexico, p. 242.
His capture was welcomed by conservatives and some state legislatures, but the legislatures of Zacatecas and Jalisco tried to prevent Guerrero's execution. The government's 50,000 peso payment to Picaluga was exposed in the liberal press. Despite pleas for his life, Guerrero was executed by firing squad in Cuilapam on 14 February 1831. His death did mark the dissolution of the rebellion in southern Mexico, but those politicians involved in his execution paid a lasting price to their reputations.
Many Mexicans saw Guerrero as the "martyr of Cuilapam" and his execution was deemed by the liberal newspaper El Federalista Mexicano "judicial murder". The two conservative cabinet members considered most culpable for Guerrero's execution, Lucas Alamán and Secretary of War José Antonio Facio, "spent the rest of their lives defending themselves from the charge that they were responsible for the ultimate betrayal in the history of the first republic, that is, that they had arranged not just for the service of Picaluga's ship but specifically for his capture of Guerrero."
Historian Jan Bazant speculates as to why Guerrero was executed rather than sent into exile, as Iturbide had been, as well as Antonio López de Santa Anna, and long-time dictator of late-nineteenth century Mexico, Porfirio Díaz. "The clue is provided by Zavala who, writing several years later, noted that Guerrero was of mixed blood and that the opposition to his presidency came from the great landowners, generals, clerics and Spaniards resident in Mexico...Guerrero's execution was perhaps a warning to men considered as socially and ethnically inferior not to dare to dream of becoming president."Bazant, Jan. "The Aftermath of Independence" in Mexico Since Independence. Leslie Bethell, ed. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991, p. 12.
Honors were conferred on surviving members of Guerrero's family, and a pension was paid to his widow. In 1842, Vicente Guerrero's remains were exhumed and returned to Mexico City for reinterment. He is known for his political discourse promoting equal civil rights for all Mexican citizens. He has been described as the "greatest man of color" to ever live.
According to historian Theodore G. Vincent, In 1831 after Vicente Guerrero's death, Vicente Guerrero's wife, Guadalupe, daughter, Dolores, and former supports of Guerrero formed a political thought group. Vincent titled these supporters as, "Guerreroistas." As a Guerreroistas, historian Vincent argues that they believed in similar ideals of equal rights for all races.
Vicente Guerrero by his Guerreroistas is often mentioned as it pertains to race and linage using his legacy of the revolution to support their actions. According to Theodore G. Vincent, Guerrero's grandson, Vicente Riva Palacio, influenced by his family of Guerreroistas received the opportunity, from Guerrero's "puro" political party in 1861, to investigate the Spanish Inquisition in Mexico and published over 38,000 pieces of evidence of Spanish abuse and Mexican opposition to it. Vincente Riva Palacio, according to Vincent attributed his beliefs and political actions to his mother Dolores and connects Palacio directly to Guerrero beliefs and Guerreroistas. According to historian Theodore Vincent, in 1986, Antonio Riva Palacio referenced his linage being connected to Vicente Guerrero and his motivation to continue Vicente Guerrero's legacy of equality and equity for all Mexicans no matter their racial background.
According to the historian and politician Lorenzo de Zavala, who published in his book, Ensayo Historico De Las Revolutions De Mexico, Desde 1808 Hasta 1830, an encounter Vicente Guerrero had with his father in 1817. According to Zavala, Vicente Guerrero was approached by his father to lay down his arms and take a Spanish pardon and Vicente replied, "Companions, you see this respectable old man, he is my father. He comes to offer me money and position in the name of the Spaniards. I have always had respect for my father, but my country comes first." These words contribute to mythology surrounding Guerrero that historian Theodore Vincent argues makes up Mexican culture. According to the Center of Documentation and Analysis, in 2007, Guerrero's words, "La Patria es Primero," has been placed in gold writing above the Mexican Chamber of Deputies in honor of Guerrero to represent his legacy and its effect on Mexican government and culture.
Legacy
See also
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